Vladimir Vasilievich Kvachkov(born August 5, Kraskino village, Khasansky district, Primorsky Territory) - Soviet and Russian military man and public figure. Retired GRU of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces.

In 2005, he was arrested on charges of assassination of the head of RAO UES of Russia Anatoly Chubais. After a three-year imprisonment, on June 5, 2008, he was acquitted by a jury.

On December 22, 2010, the Russian Supreme Court upheld the acquittal. The next day, Kvachkov was arrested again on charges of preparing an armed rebellion and terrorism.

Kvachkov himself calls persecution by the authorities repression.

He is currently being held in the Lefortovo pre-trial detention center.

Biography

Military career

On June 5, 2008, the jury of the Moscow Regional Court returned a not guilty verdict. The jury considered that the defendants' guilt had not been proven. All defendants - Vladimir Kvachkov and retired airborne troops Alexander Naydenov and Robert Yashin - were acquitted. On June 6, 2008, the Moscow City Court extended the arrest period of Ivan Mironov, the criminal case against whom was separated into separate proceedings, for another 3 months, and on August 27 it extended the period until November 11.

On June 6, 2008, Kvachkov gave an interview to Ekho Moskvy radio, in which he called Chubais a “national traitor and traitor.” He also stated that Russia "is occupied by the Jewish mafia, which is the matrix for other criminal groups." The Public Chamber of Russia sent a request to the Prosecutor General asking him to check Kvachkov’s statements, seeing signs of extremism in them.

On October 13, 2008, the Moscow Regional Court held regular hearings in the case of Kvachkov, Yashin, Naydenov and in the case of Ivan Mironov. During the hearings, it was decided to combine these cases into one.

On August 21, 2010, a jury of the Moscow Regional Court found him not guilty of organizing the assassination attempt on A. Chubais in March 2005.

The Supreme Court of Russia on Wednesday, December 22, 2010, upheld the acquittal of Colonel Vladimir Kvachkov in the case of the assassination attempt on the former head of RAO UES of Russia Anatoly Chubais. Thus, the verdict of the Moscow Regional Court entered into legal force. Previously, the prosecution sought to send the case for a new trial, citing the grounds for cancellation that procedural violations were committed during the hearings. The Supreme Court of Russia refused to satisfy the cassation submission of the prosecutor's office and upheld the verdict of the Moscow Regional Court, according to which retired GRU colonel Vladimir Kvachkov, ex-paratroopers Robert Yashin and Alexander Naydenov, as well as the son of the former Minister of Press Ivan Mironov were found innocent of the attempt on Chubais.

On August 24, 2012, the Tverskoy Court of Moscow recovered 450 thousand rubles from the Ministry of Finance in favor of Vladimir Kvachkov, who demanded compensation from the department in the amount of 50 million rubles. moral damages for criminal prosecution in the case of the attempt on the life of the former head of RAO UES of Russia Anatoly Chubais. This amount is significantly less than what Kvachkov’s lawyers requested. They proceeded from the fact that every hour of criminal prosecution costs 1 thousand rubles. They demanded 50 million rubles from the Ministry of Finance, but the court decided that every day in a Russian prison is not so ruinous for the treasury. However, it is quite possible that the colonel will never receive the money. Firstly, the Ministry of Finance refused to recognize the claim and will most likely appeal the decision of the Tverskoy Court. Secondly, V. Kvachkov himself is again in custody: he is accused under Part 1 of Article 205.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (assistance in terrorist activities) and Part 3 of Article 30 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (preparation for a crime and attempted crime), Art. 279 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (attempted armed rebellion) and does not admit his guilt.

Political activity

As a public figure, Vladimir Kvachkov considers himself a nationalist: “Yes, I am Russian, a Christian nationalist. I am a supporter of the Russian Orthodox state."

In 2005, he ran for deputy of the State Duma in the 199th Preobrazhensky constituency of Moscow, but lost the election to reserve officer of the Vympel group Sergei Shavrin, taking second place.

I tried to nominate myself in the elections on October 11, 2009 to the Moscow City Duma in the electoral district 6 of the Eastern Administrative District of Moscow, but was denied registration.

In the period from 2005 to 2010, V. Kvachkov repeatedly made political statements in the spirit of right-wing extremism - in the media, at rallies and pickets, among like-minded people. Together with Yu. Ekishev and M. Kalashnikov, he created the public movement “Para Bellum”.

Arrest on charges of sedition and terrorism

The next day, after the acquittal in the case of the assassination attempt on Chubais, on December 23, 2010, Kvachkov was detained by FSB officers in his apartment and was taken to the Lefortovo Court in Moscow on charges of organizing rebellion and terrorism. The Lefortovo District Court arrested Kvachkov.

Kvachkov himself called the case falsified and said that the investigation accuses him of preparing a coup with the help of people armed with crossbows. Kvachkov said: “I am sure that this is the work of Chubais.” The colonel's lawyers are challenging the legality of the arrest and alleging procedural violations.

According to the FSB, Kvachkov and his associates planned to seize weapons in several military units, and then organize a campaign against Moscow, the goal of which was to seize power.

According to Kvachkov himself, his accusation is based on the testimony of the leader of the Togliatti branch of the “People’s Militia named after Minin and Pozharsky,” Pyotr Galkin, who was detained by the FSB in the summer of 2010, but then released from custody and allegedly agreed to cooperate with the investigation. Galkin said that on the instructions of Vladimir Kvachkov in Togliatti, Samara, Vladimir and other cities, combat groups of militias were created from patriotic young people and army officers who were laid off as a result of the reform of the armed forces, which, on a signal from the headquarters of the People's Militia, headed by Kvachkov , were supposed to capture and disarm the military units located in these regions, and then go on an armed campaign against Moscow, “attaching more and more rebel units.” Moreover, as Pyotr Galkin said, the military was supposed to be disarmed peacefully, agitating them to come over to their side. To do this, according to the FSB, in the spring-summer of 2010, Vladimir Kvachkov, who was under recognizance not to leave (then he was a defendant in the case of the assassination attempt on Anatoly Chubais), visited Kostroma, Yaroslavl, Nizhny Novgorod, Samara, Tula and Ryazan, where, meeting with military, conducted anti-government propaganda among them. According to investigators, Kvachkov’s supporters planned to start the rebellion in Vladimir, where Galkin’s group operated.

Kvachkov claimed that Galkin and his comrades simply went to the forest to practice shooting with a crossbow, which they acquired on completely legal grounds, but they were detained. Then, according to Kvachkov, Galkin attended a congress of the People's Militia in Syzran, at which he secretly made audio recordings, which the FSB received.

At the end of July 2011, the FSB reported that members of the local cell of the “People's Militia named after Minin and Pozharsky,” whose leader is considered to be Kvachkov, were detained in Yekaterinburg. The detainees were charged with organizing a terrorist group and preparing a rebellion. According to investigators, on the morning of August 2, 2011 (the day of the Airborne Forces), several armed combat detachments with a core of former special forces were supposed to break into the buildings of the Yekaterinburg Central Internal Affairs Directorate, FSB, and Ministry of Emergency Situations and destroy their leaders. These same detachments were tasked with seizing weapons warehouses. Groups of saboteurs were supposed to blow up electrical substations in Yekaterinburg in order to cut off power to the city and sow panic among the population. Next, the rebels allegedly planned to mobilize and arm the entire male population of Yekaterinburg and hold the defense with such forces until they received help from neighboring regions. The leader of the militant cell is businessman Alexander Ermakov, who, according to investigators, not only developed a rebellion plan codenamed “Dawn,” but also recruited supporters among retired military and security officials dissatisfied with the reforms in the country. Four more - 64-year-old "Afghan" colonel Leonid Khabarov, former criminal investigation officer Vladislav Ladeishchikov, entrepreneur Sergei Katnikov, doctor of sciences, inventor Viktor Kralin were detained on July 19 in Ermakov's office. All of them were airsoft players.

Military theoretical studies and views on military doctrine

Awards

Awarded the Order of the Red Star and the Order of Courage (according to other sources, 2 Orders of Courage), 8 medals.

Publications

• Kvachkov V.V. The main special operation is ahead. -Chelyabinsk, Tankograd publishing house: 2010
• Kvachkov V.V. Russian special forces. M., publishing house Russian Panorama: 2007

Notes

1. The jury returned a not guilty verdict in the case of Vladimir Kvachkov
2. The Supreme Court finally acquitted Colonel Kvachkov
3. Vladimir Kvachkov: “Important revolutionary changes await Russia” - news in the Politics section on Newsland
4. How Russian special forces stole nuclear weapons from Kazakhstan // Komsomolskaya Pravda. - 04/19/2012. - pp. 10-11.

For 10 years, the government has been fighting the ghosts of the “Orange Revolution,” discrediting liberals, raising imperial slogans, bringing back into the 21st century atavisms of the past, like the Stalinist anthem. The authorities have achieved their goal: a protest wave has begun to form today on the far right flank, whose banner is Colonel Kvachkov. What attracts both radical nationalists and young officers to him? The New Times visited the rebel officer's cell, attended rallies in his support, spoke with both his comrades and those who see Kvachkov as a real threat to the Kremlin

Retired GRU colonel Vladimir Kvachkov, now a prisoner in cell No. 73-74 of the Lefortovo pre-trial detention center, has a glorious military past behind him: a holder of two Orders of Courage and the Order of the Red Star, commander of a GRU special forces brigade, an experienced practitioner of sabotage and military intelligence, who carried out numerous special assignments in Afghanistan. In his biography, everything is logical until March 2005, and then - an accusation of a clumsy attempt on the life of Anatoly Chubais, more like a training detonation of a shell-free explosive device by first-year cadets, three years on trial and investigation, two acquittals by a jury and now a new charge. This time he is charged with “organizing a military rebellion” and “assisting terrorist activities” (Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, Art. 279 and 205.1, respectively). The investigation has not yet provided any specific charges or evidence to Kvachkov’s lawyers and relatives. The only source of information about the essence of the case, according to Kvachkov’s lawyer Oksana Mikhalkina, remains an article in the newspaper “Top Secret”.

Whirlwinds are hostile

For professionals who are at least somewhat familiar with the organization of special operations, the scenario described in the newspaper is astonishing in its primitiveness. The idea of ​​the rebellion boiled down to the following: a gathering of rebels from among the Minin and Pozharsky People's Militia created by Colonel Kvachkov, numbering up to 600 people under the guise of tourists, hunters and fishermen, was scheduled for July 20-24 last year. The combat mission is to capture the Kovrov training tank division (467th district training center), warehouses and arsenals of the Main Missile and Artillery Directorate, and then according to the classics of the genre: police, FSB, other military units. Along the way it was supposed to take Vladimir, Ivanovo, the main direction of the attack was Moscow! The FSB allegedly managed to thwart the plan at the last moment with the help of fighters from the Alpha group.

The writer Alexander Prokhanov, who knows Kvachkov well, assessed the “attempt at rebellion” this way: “In reality, he has nothing. It was all a fantasy, a war tale he told himself. There are people who are fascinated by this fantasy, but nothing more. Kvachkov, of course, has a feeling of the Russian tragedy, he is personally ready to become an accomplice in ridding the country of its ills, but the methods he openly proclaims mean nothing other than a psyche undermined in the war and in prison (in Afghanistan, while performing special tasks, Kvachkov received shell shock and a moderate injury), they don’t say.” And he concluded: “It is best to find out the details of this conspiracy story from a psychiatrist.”

Former colleagues in the GRU, who recognize the colonel’s professionalism and personal courage, refuse to comment on the current story with Kvachkov - in a nutshell, the colonel’s behavior does not seem very adequate to them. Kvachkov’s former cellmates also note his “obsession with the problem.” Then why did they choose to put him back in prison?

Fears of power

A high-ranking interlocutor of The New Times from the Central Office of the FSB, who agreed to speak on condition of anonymity, answered this question this way: “For the first time, Kvachkov greatly frightened the Kremlin during mass rallies in Kaliningrad**Mass protest rallies in Kaliningrad took place in February 2010 and were caused by the decision about increasing the transport tax. The main slogan of the demonstrations was “Boos and Putin resign!” There, Kvachkov’s “militia” discussed scenarios for seizing the airport. And this is not nonsense about a tank attack on Moscow. There is no need for great strength here. Besides, this is an enclave. As soon as the idea was suggested, people were already on the streets. It’s not right to drop assault divisions of the Airborne Forces on Kaliningrad!”

Another FSB employee, an operational officer of a regional department for one of the central regions of the Russian Federation, commenting on the detention of Colonel Kvachkov, noted: “On the line of “extremism,” we work only with those groups that are able to offer the population a clear ideological platform and create a network effect. Liberals have an ideology, but liberals today do not scare anyone: firstly, they are completely discredited in the eyes of the population; secondly, they have something to lose and they will not rush to the embrasures. The main sources of threat to us today are Nazis, neo-pagans and Wahhabis. Kvachkov grist to the mill of some, and others, and others. For too long he was allowed to say things for which others would have been imprisoned long ago. It is only at first glance that it seems that Wahhabis and nationalists have nothing to agree on: some need the Caucasus, others need a Slavic state without “khachs” and Caucasians. There is a common enemy in the face of Putin's team. Why not make the Caucasus a bargaining chip?”

Finally, another FSB detective seconded to Dagestan from Moscow, on condition of anonymity, explained to The New Times what, according to the authorities, the honored colonel and the “frostbitten” Caucasian Wahhabis have in common: “There are not many truly believers among the Caucasians. But no one can do anything about the flow of people who want to join the Wahhabis. For them, everything is simple: “Look at the shit all around. Come to us to fight injustice. And they go!

Headquarters in Lefortovo

“Why was I imprisoned the very next day after the Supreme Court confirmed the acquittal in the case of the attempt on Chubais?” - a reserve GRU colonel asks The New Times correspondent. “They were afraid of Manezhnaya Square and decided that the youth patriotic movement could merge with my comrades.”

Swamp hoodie, dark blue sweatpants, flip-flops - Vladimir Kvachkov feels quite comfortable in cell No. 73-74 of the Lefortovo pre-trial detention center, where he has been since December 23 last year. According to Kvachkov, he chose the bunk near the door not far from the toilet, tightly closed with a round lid (not separated from the rest of the cell by any partition), according to Kvachkov. I didn’t want to sleep by the window. There are only two such dual cameras in Lefortovo. It looks like adjacent rooms in a Khrushchev building, only the ceilings are higher, and instead of a door there is a semi-arch separating one room from another. The colonel has two neighbors. The prisoners flatly refused to name the charges under which they were imprisoned. Kvachkov introduced them to The New Times correspondent as follows: “Combat officer and professor at St. Petersburg University. The people are intelligent." They don’t like that they have to listen to Mayak’s broadcasts, which they call “a radio station for oligophrenics.”

“When we are taken out for a walk, the Mayak is turned on at full power so that prisoners from different exercise yards cannot shout at each other,” Kvachkov told The New Times. “I plug my ears with earplugs.”

However, the colonel does not complain about the conditions of detention. “I have no complaints about the administration, I have complaints about the authorities,” he says. Kvachkov refuses to participate in investigative actions. They tried to interrogate him on the “case of the coastal partisans” - it didn’t work out.

“They are trying to force me to give the testimony necessary for the investigation,” says the colonel. - They want me to name the names of participants in the all-Russian people's militia movement. I refuse: I am not allowed to meet with my wife and am forbidden to meet with my confessor, Bishop Afanasy Zhuzhda. I moved to the jurisdiction of the Russian Orthodox Church (Russian Orthodox Church - The New Times) and received communion with them, so I don’t want another priest to come to me. I received an explanation from the 3rd Department of the Investigative Department of the FSB of Russia that RosPTs is not registered in Russia, but this is not true.”

Kvachkov spends time reading: the latest is a book of articles by Trotsky and Nikolai Berdyaev “The Fate of Russia.” About the first book he says: “You need to know your enemies by sight.” And Berdyaev rereads it with pleasure. In three months, the colonel has already received 70 letters from the outside. “They write from everywhere,” he boasts, “everyone hopes for my release.” He himself sent several dozen letters. Of these, only one did not pass prison censorship: there seemed to be some calls against the authorities. But Kvachkov is not offended, he understands. Recalling other Moscow pre-trial detention centers where they had to sit on the first charge, he says that 90% of the prisoners sitting there are guilty, but 70% of them were driven into prison by the authorities - the origins of the crimes lie in the social sphere.

Kvachkov likes the food in Lefortovo more than army cuisine. The only trouble is that one of the cooks always undercooks the pasta. The only thing missing in the pre-trial detention center is boiled sausage. “In other prisons where I was imprisoned, they allowed the transfer of such sausage, but here it is not allowed, they say the shelf life is short. I would really like sausages for Easter,” says the colonel.

Ideology

In the programmatic article “Towards the Transformation of Russia,” written by Kvachkov for the adherents of the People’s Militia named after Minin and Pozharsky, which he heads, he gives arguments that are understandable to everyone who is even in the slightest degree rooted for what is happening in the country today: “The main thing is important for us now the systemic reason (of the collapse of the Russian state - The New Times) is the loss of a sense of truth and justice... The feeling of falsity of state and public life has become widespread... Today's total deception and fraudulent manipulation of public opinion cannot be compared with the previous party "pranks".

Colonel Kvachkov also has an ideological platform - “Russian Orthodox socialism” and a new gathering of Russia into “a triune Russian people: Great Russians, Little Russians, Belarusians.” This is quite enough for radical nationalists of all stripes, who are experiencing a shortage of people-symbols, whose biography does not end with street fights and pogroms of unfortunate Central Asian migrants, to rally around Kvachkov himself.

Support groups

In mid-March, rallies were held in 29 Russian cities in support of Vladimir Kvachkov. The most numerous is in Moscow. Based on the composition of the protesters, one could easily determine the colonel’s “electoral base.” There were about 400-500 people at Chistye Prudy. About the same amount as in the failed “tank attack” on Moscow. In the enclosure, fenced off by riot police, people behaved with military restraint. The average age of those gathered is 55-60 years. Retired officers were easily discernible in their clothes, hairstyles, and manner of communication. In the cordon of the stands are young, athletic-looking guys with short-cropped bare heads and inscrutable faces. A similar type can be seen in photographs from military sports camps of radical nationalists. Despite the damp wind and piercing March cold, they didn’t even move during the entire 2 hours of the rally.

Despite all the outward calm, it was felt that everyone in this fenced crowd was heated to the limit. “Putin is a traitor! Medvedev is a traitor! Serdyukov is a traitor! For the collapse of Russia and the undermining of the Armed Forces, sentence the traitors to capital punishment!” - the military-style calls of the speakers were not distinguished by their friendliness towards the authorities. To each such call, people standing in the crowd, as if letting off accumulated steam, briefly shouted: “That’s right! It is high time!" People in army hats and camouflage on the podium were replaced by priests in robes, young radical nationalists like Dmitry Dyomushkin from the now banned “Slavic Union”, leaders of other nationalist movements, for example Yuri Ekishev - one of the leaders of the banned Movement against Illegal Immigration, who now heads the movement "ParaBellum", lawyers and relatives of the colonel. Above the heads of the protesters fluttered the flags of the Airborne Forces, the banners of the People's Militia named after Minin and Pozharsky created by Kvachkov, and the banners of the Party for the Defense of the Russian Constitution, whose abbreviation - MANPADS - well caught the attention of the serving people with its consonance with the portable anti-aircraft missile system known among the troops. There were quite a few young people in whom a military bone could be discerned.

“I’m ready to sign Kvachkov’s every word,” says Grigory, a young captain-lieutenant who was sent ashore and laid off from the Black Sea Fleet. - Everything that happens in the navy and in the troops is a complete fraud. Only instructor officers from training centers work “for show” with modern weapons. Ordinary combat officers don’t really know how to do anything - they simply don’t have the practice. Lieutenants are forced into sergeant positions. The feeling of the deliberate collapse of the Armed Forces is complete! No one cares about young officers! Unsatisfied? Goodbye!"

Vasily P., the current deputy commander of a unit from the Moscow region, commented to The New Times on the views of the officers subordinate to him: “There is no need to talk about any ideology, much less a systemic worldview of officers today. Vinaigrette and nothing more. In official classes there is a continuous formalism from United Russia propaganda, flavored with comments from special propaganda officers about the “world behind the scenes”, the “fifth column” and “enemies of Russian statehood” who finance terrorism. The concepts of internationalism and friendship of peoples, cultivated in Soviet times, are disappearing along with the latest generations of Soviet officers. At the same time, the most discussed book in officer circles is “Strike of the Russian Gods” by Istarkhov. An explosive mixture of paganism, Slavophilism, anti-Semitism, the cult of strength and the “new” national idea. Among the “young people” there are many leftists who sympathize with the ideas of Stalinist mobilization. There are a lot of offended officers among the fired officers. I don’t think they are ready for an armed struggle against the state they served only yesterday, but there is no doubt that Kvachkov will find a large number of sympathizers in their circle.”

From slogans to action?

Leader of the Military Power Union of Russia, formerly head of the Main Directorate for International Military Cooperation of the Ministry of Defense, Colonel General in reserve Leonid Ivashov, when asked by The New Times whether it is in principle possible to create an organized military-patriotic opposition on the social basis of veterans of the Armed Forces and just young officers dismissed due to staff reductions, noted: “The opposition movement of people who wore shoulder straps is absolutely real. The “Officers' Assembly”, in the creation of which Colonel Kvachkov takes an active part, as a public association of Russian officers of all ages, is such an opposition. For now, officers and veterans are being scattered into different parties, but at any moment it can grow into a real protest force. We must wait for a leader to appear. Then a headquarters will appear, and everything will be structured for new tasks.”

Director of the Institute of Political and Military Analysis, reserve colonel Alexander Sharavin, does not agree with General Ivashov: “I think that Kvachkov and his supporters are too marginal to receive the support of the officer community. Of course, they throw their ideas onto fertile ground: it’s no joke, tens of thousands of officers and warrant officers have been fired, and therefore the danger from his activity should not be downplayed either. It only takes a handful of provocateurs to create problems for the authorities. Who was the first to shed blood in 1993? Terekhov with his “Union of Officers”. And we remember how the smell of this blood affected the authorities. Therefore, I repeat: due to his marginality, Kvachkov is clearly not drawn to the leader of the officer uprising, but his words and calls to kill can provoke a lot of blood.”

Reserve Colonel General Eduard Vorobyov, former deputy commander-in-chief of the Russian Ground Forces, who was fired for refusing to lead the operation to send troops into Chechnya, speaks of the same thing: “Many mistakes were made during the reform of the Armed Forces, and this, of course, caused significant tension. But I am ready to assert that no one has ever dealt with the issues of social security for military personnel as substantively as is happening now. For housing and monetary support for military personnel, including those transferred to the reserve, the state has set clear deadlines, which it generally complies with. Under these conditions, the overwhelming majority of officers will not undertake any adventures. But if promises remain promises, then any scenarios are possible and many officers may end up in illegal protest structures.”

"They were late"

But Colonel Kvachkov’s wife, Nadezhda Mikhailova, believes that military experts simply do not know what is really happening on the ground: “Vladimir Vasilyevich has never hidden his views on what is happening in the country. Traveled a lot, met people. He was respected. They listened. This is precisely why he was detained. It's just too late. We're late. Now he can bring people out of prison and onto the square.” I'd like to believe she's wrong.

Vladimir Vasilyevich Kvachkov has been in prison for the eighth year; the latest news on his case dates back to April 2018 and is related to the hearings on the prisoner’s claim against the medical service. Supporters of Vladimir Kvachkov are wondering when he will be released. The prison term is due to expire in February 2019, unless another case is opened against the disgraced colonel before then.

Childhood and youth

Kvachkov Vladimir Vasilievich was born on August 5, 1948, his childhood was spent in the Primorsky Territory. Soon after the birth of their son, the family moved from the village of Krasino to Ussuriysk, where the father served. Mother, Tatyana Fedorovna Kvachkova, originally from the Moscow region, went to the Far East following her husband, a military man. The son followed in his father's footsteps.

At the age of 11, the boy was sent to the Far Eastern (now Ussuriysk) Suvorov, and at 18, after graduation, he continued his studies at the Higher Educational Institution of Kyiv.

Vladimir in the conference room of the Lefortovo Court in Moscow, 2012

The next stage in the biography of Vladimir Vasilyevich was service in the special forces. In 1969, he was sent to the Pskov special forces brigade, where he first led a group, then a platoon.

Military career and political activity

At the age of 30, Kvachkov went as a student to the Military Academy, where he studied for 3 years. Already a senior officer, he continued to serve in the Leningrad region, Germany, and Transbaikalia. I also got into “hot spots”.

In July 1992, his brigade transferred to the Armed Forces of Uzbekistan, which caused serious discontent among the personnel. In 1994, the colonel's service in the GRU began. Being a candidate of military sciences, since 1999 he worked as a researcher at the General Staff.

Vladimir - former GRU colonel

Kvachkov characterizes his political beliefs as nationalism. Twice he tried to enter the Moscow City Duma, in 2005 he lost the elections to a political rival, and in 2009 he was not registered as a candidate. Founder of the public movement "Para Bellum", the organization "People's Militia named after Minin and Pozharsky."

NOMP initially, back in February 2009, was not registered by the Ministry of Justice, and 6 years after its founding, its activities on the territory of the Russian Federation were banned, recognizing it as a terrorist organization.

Personal life

It is known that Vladimir Vasilyevich is now married to Nadezhda Mikhailovna Kvachkova, who shares her husband’s political beliefs. This is the second marriage, the colonel has 4 children in total, but information about which of them was born into which marriage is quite contradictory.

During the sentencing, 2013

He lived together with Nadezhda Kvachkova for 20 years before being imprisoned, and his eldest son was born in 1975 in Potsdam, where Kvachkov was then serving as part of the GSVG. That is, Alexander is the son of his first wife.

Some sources call Kvachkov’s daughters children from his first marriage, and his sons from his second.

Alexander was an employee of the private security company, went on the run on the day of the assassination attempt on Chubais, immediately before his father’s arrest, and was wanted as one of the participants in the conspiracy. The eldest daughter, Anna, has her own family, a son and a daughter are growing up. The youngest, Elena, suffers from cerebral palsy; her disability did not prevent her from graduating from college with a degree in psychology. The youngest son, Kirill, was finishing school at the time of the initiation of the first criminal case against his father.

In the courtroom

A few touches to the biography:

• During Kvachkov's studies at the Kiev Higher Educational Institution, his fellow student was wounded in the thigh due to careless handling of a lighting cartridge. This served as a lesson for the future officer, taught him how to handle weapons carefully;
• in 1992, the colonel played a cameo role in the action-packed film “Black Shark”, and also served as its consultant;
• Although Kvachkov is an adherent of Orthodox traditions, he and his wife Nadezhda got married only 20 years after registering with the registry office. The sacrament of the wedding took place in the prison church in the presence of the youngest son and the mother of the prisoner, Tatyana Fedorovna;
• After the acquittal in the Chubais case, Kvachkov demanded compensation for persecution and imprisonment in the amount of 50 million, but in the end he received only 450 thousand.

Criminal proceedings

On March 17, 2005, in the Moscow region there was an attempt on the life of Chubais, who headed UES of Russia in those years. Three military men, including Kvachkov, were accused of organizing the assassination attempt.

The retired colonel spent more than 3 years in “Matrosskaya Tishina” until he was acquitted by a jury on June 5, 2008.

Immediately after his release, Kvachkov spoke in an interview about the dominance of the “Jewish mafia” in Russia, and called Chubais a traitor. These statements gave rise to accusations of extremism. The Prosecutor General's Office petitioned to reconsider the case, and the Supreme Court granted this petition. As a result of rehearings, which took place at the end of 2010, the jury's verdict remained in force. But the very next day, December 23, 2010, Kvachkov was detained on new charges of terrorist activity.

Kvachkov during the “Russian March”

The head of the Tolyatti NOMP, Pyotr Galkin, who was arrested by the FSB several months earlier, testified about the preparation of a campaign of armed militia groups against Moscow. According to him, Kvachkov was involved in anti-government agitation among the military and rebel organizations. In 2011, another episode was added to the case; Kvachkov and his followers were accused of preparing a coup in Yekaterinburg. It was also mentioned that the impetus for the seizure of power in the camp was supposed to be a rebellion in Kovrov.

Evidence was provided that for these purposes Kvachkov formed a group, purchased weapons and developed a plan.

Kvachkov, while in prison, received another sentence

The ex-GRU colonel said that a revolutionary situation had matured in Russia, but did not admit his guilt in organizing the rebellion.

Despite this, in February 2013 he was sentenced to 13 years in prison; six months later the case was reviewed and the term was limited to 8 years. In the same year, the book “Who Rules Russia” was published, in which the authorities were criticized. In 2016, Vladimir Vasilyevich’s mother died without waiting for her son to be released, and his release date was pushed back again. Last year, the colonel was sentenced again.

Vladimir Kvachkov now

The personal lives of prisoners are under constant control. Nevertheless, even in prison conditions, Kvachkov continues his political struggle.

In 2015, he recorded a video message using a mobile phone, which was released and posted online.

Kvachkov changed his shoulder straps to a prisoner's uniform

The appeal was qualified as a public call for terrorist activities and another charge was brought against the prisoner. On August 18, 2017, he received a new sentence on this charge: 1.5 years.

On the eve of the 2018 presidential elections, a video appeared on the Internet with a compilation of photos of Kvachkov, fragments of speeches by the colonel himself, military personnel, and politicians. The idea of ​​the video is that Kvachkov calls for voting for Grudinin. Around the same time, Alexander Cheremnykh’s blog published a fragment of a letter from Vladimir Kvachkov, in which it was said about Grudinin that his program was not aimed at solving Russia’s main problems. It seems that during the election campaign some political forces simply speculated on the name of the popular oppositionist.

Vladimir Kvachkov is now in Samara Pre-trial Detention Center No. 1, where he will probably celebrate his 70th birthday. He was transferred there from the Mordovian colony, where the prisoner’s health condition sharply deteriorated. On April 26, 2018, a hearing began on his claim regarding the conditions of detention and the level of medical care.

Kvachkov Vladimir Vasilyevich (photo is in this article) - Colonel of the GRU of the General Staff of the Russian Federation. He is currently retired. His military career began in Soviet times and continued in Russian times. Accused of the assassination attempt on Chubais, but was acquitted. Kvachkov - organizer

Family

On August 5, 1948, in the Primorsky Territory, Khasansky district, in the village of Kraskino, Vladimir Kvachkov was born. His family is small - only his parents. There are no sisters or brothers. His family had to move often, since his father was in the military. Therefore, Vladimir Vasilyevich spent his childhood years in Ussuriysk. His father served there. Now Kvachkov’s mother lives in the town of Nakhabino, in the Moscow region, Krasnogorsk district.

Education

Vladimir Kvachkov graduated from high school and continued his studies at the Far Eastern Suvorov School, from which he graduated with a gold medal. Then he went to the Kiev university (combined arms command school) to the intelligence department (he also graduated with a gold medal). In 1978-1981 was a student at the Frunze Military Academy, from which he also graduated with honors. Received the title of Candidate of Military Sciences.

Military career

Vladimir Vasilyevich began his service in 1969 in Pskov. He was assigned to the second GRU special forces brigade. Since 1981, he served in the Leningrad Military District, in the intelligence department. Then - in Germany and the Transbaikal region.

Vladimir Kvachkov is a participant in the war in Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Azerbaijan. From 1986 to 1989 was the chief of staff of a brigade in Germany. And since 1989 - commander of the 15th separate GRU special forces brigade in the Turkestan district. Then this military unit was transferred to the Armed Forces of Uzbekistan. A riot was brewing in the brigade, as many did not agree with this decision. But Vladimir Vasilyevich was able to reason with his subordinates.

The most famous operation, in the development of which Kvachkov took part as commander of the 15th brigade, is the “Garmsky Landing”. Since 1994, Vladimir Vasilyevich served in And since 1999, he became a researcher at the Center for Military Strategic Research of the General Staff. He took part in the working group of Russia and Belarus on the unification of the law in the field of defense.

Political activity

Colonel Kvachkov Vladimir Vasilyevich considers himself a Russian, Christian nationalist. He is a supporter of the Orthodox state. In 2005, Vladimir Vasilyevich ran for State Duma deputy in the 199th electoral district of Moscow. But Kvachkov was beaten by Sergei Shavrin. As a result, Vladimir Vasilyevich ended up only in second place after the elections.

He tried to run for deputy again in 2009, for the Moscow City Duma in the sixth electoral district of the capital. But he was denied registration. From 2005 to 2010 Vladimir Vasilyevich often spoke in the media, at pickets and rallies with political statements of right-wing extremism. Together with like-minded people (M. Kalashnikov and Yu. Ekishev) he created “Para Bellum” (social movement). In 2009 - an unregistered political organization named after Minin and Pozharsky “People's Militia”.

Attempt on Chubais

In March 2005, GRU Colonel Vladimir Kvachkov was accused of attempting to assassinate A. Chubais and was sent to the Matrosskaya Tishina detention center. In June 2008, Vladimir Vasilyevich was acquitted by the Moscow Regional Court. The jury decided that there was no evidence of Kvachkov’s guilt. In addition to him, his like-minded people were also acquitted - A. Naydenov, R. Yashin and some military airborne forces.

The day after Kvachkov spoke on the Echo of Moscow radio. He directly called Chubais a national traitor. And he stated that Russia was occupied by Jews, and this is the basis of criminal groups. As a result, the Public Chamber of the Russian Federation sent a request to the Prosecutor General’s Office to verify Kvachkov’s statements, since his words clearly contained manifestations of extremism, and at the same time to review the case of the assassination attempt.

In August, the request of the Russian Prosecutor General's Office was granted, and Vladimir Vasilyevich's case was sent for a new trial. In October, hearings were held in the Moscow regional court. In August 2010, the jury confirmed its opinion that Kvachkov was not involved in the assassination attempt on Chubais. In December, the acquittal was left unchanged.

In August 2012, the Moscow Tver Court recovered 450,000 rubles from the Ministry of Finance. in favor of Vladimir Vasilyevich, who demanded compensation for moral damage (the case of the attempt on Chubais) of 50 million rubles.

Preparations for the military mutiny "Carpet"

Despite the fact that Kvachkov calls the actions against himself by the authorities repressions, there are still grounds for his accusations. As the investigation established, the retired colonel was organizing a full-scale military rebellion.

Sitting in his Moscow apartment, Vladimir Kvachkov planned to seize the cities of Ivanovo and Vladimir, block all roads leading to Moscow, and on behalf of the people put forward a demand to the Kremlin for a change of government, which he allegedly considers corrupt and untenable.

The first to arrive near the cities were the military, disguised as fishermen and hunters, and set up three camps. Within a few days, they were to be joined by other military groups, also traveling undetected, disguised as tourists. They were supposed to deliver tents, sapper blades and military stoves to the camps.

The gathering in temporary camps was scheduled from July 20 to 24, 2010. And from July 24 to 25, the rebels were supposed to capture the above cities. First, the Kovrov tank division (training), warehouses with a missile and artillery arsenal. Then, in armored vehicles, proceed first to Vladimir, and then to Ivanovo. Initially, Colonel Vladimir Kvachkov planned to seize the police and FSB buildings, then all military units. It was supposed to report about the “comprador power” through the media.

Failure of the rebellion

In one of his apartments, Kvachkov installed a device to create radio interference to prevent wiretapping. He was sure that after being accused of the assassination attempt on Chubais, he was under the close attention of the authorities. Therefore, he prepared for the rebellion very carefully.

In this apartment, meetings were held with the leaders of the “People’s Militia” (NOMP for short) groups and the commanders of military groups. He collected data on how many people would stand up for arms and issued instructions.

After the meetings, Kvachkov entered the call signs of the commanders into his computer. I gave them new SIMs for their cell phones to transmit orders during the assigned operation. Those who were supposed to be responsible for transport also received mobile phones themselves. After the discovery of the planned rebellion, a search was made in Kvachkov’s apartment. Prepared plans, maps and approximately 30 call signs of commanders, whose military groups consisted of 15-25 militias, were found on his computer.

The intelligence services learned about the mutiny and decided to capture the imaginary fishermen and hunters at the beginning of the operation, before the main forces arrived with weapons. As a result, Alpha fighters captured all the false fishermen and false hunters early in the morning. Thus ended, even before it began, Operation Carpet.

Kvachkov also had a top-secret plan “B” prepared in case the first one failed. But the special services arrested him and placed him in Lefortovo prison.

Second criminal case

As a result, after the Supreme Court acquitted the Chubais case on December 22, 2010, Vladimir Kvachkov was arrested again the next day. This time for organizing a military mutiny. Vladimir Vasilyevich was detained by FSB officers and taken to the Lefortovo court.

According to Kvachkov himself, he was not involved in this, and the accusation was based only on the testimony of Pyotr Galkin, the leader of one of the branches of the People's Militia. And he, in turn, informed the FSB about the creation of combat detachments to overthrow the authorities in the Kremlin. Kvachkov convinced the court that Galkin and his friends simply went to temporary forest camps to practice shooting.

Nevertheless, Kvachkov’s guilt was fully proven, and on February 8, 2013, the Moscow City Court sentenced him to 13 years in prison to be served in a maximum security colony. Many of his comrades also suffered deserved punishment. In the summer of the same year, the Supreme Court reduced Kvachkov’s sentence to 8 years. But in 2014, he violated the rules of isolation by trying to talk on his mobile phone, and the punishment was again increased by 9 months. In 2015, Vladimir Vasilyevich had the opportunity to apply for parole. But due to repeated violations of the regime, on the contrary, his imprisonment was tightened.

Double life

During the two years that Vladimir Kvachkov walked free (between stints in prison), he traveled a lot around the country, creating NOMP groups. He managed to do this in more than 40 Russian regions. Vladimir Vasilyevich started a guerrilla war against the government and believed that he was acting in the rear. I had to lead a double life as an underground worker.

He remembers hundreds of passwords and call signs, ready at a signal to start an uprising and go to the agreed-upon location of the operation. Kvachkov even compiled for himself Federal Registers, which contain persons “who caused damage to the security and independence of Russia” and officers who refused to carry out “the orders of the new government” (and therefore traitors to the Motherland).

Personal life

Kvachkov Vladimir Vasilievich married Nadezhda Mikhailovna. They had four children - two daughters and two sons. Alexander was born in June 1975 in the German Democratic Republic. He has been wanted since 2005. Kirill (the youngest son) graduated from school in 2005 and entered university.

Anna, the eldest daughter, became married and gave birth to a son, Ivan, and a daughter, Maria. Elena, the youngest daughter of Vladimir Vasilyevich, is a disabled person of group I (cerebral palsy). However, he studies at the Moscow University of Humanities and Economics (Faculty of Psychology and Sociology).

Awards

GRU Colonel (retired), Vladimir Kvachkov, received 15 military awards. He was awarded 2 Orders of Courage and one Red Star.

The Moscow City Court convicted retired colonel of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense Vladimir Kvachkov. And he imposed 13 years in prison for attempting to organize an armed rebellion and recruiting its participants.

The second defendant in this high-profile case, Alexander Kiselev, was sentenced to 11 years in prison. Both convicted pensioners pleaded not guilty to the main charge.

Kvachkov and Kiselev were tried under articles of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “Attempt to organize an armed rebellion” and “Recruitment or involvement of persons in terrorist activities.”

According to the investigation, while plotting a rebellion, the former GRU colonel attracted a number of people to his activities, including Kiselyov, and gave them instructions. In particular, he ordered to find people in Moscow to organize an armed rebellion. His trusted man, Manrik, selected people, and they underwent military training at the training ground in Myakinino. Prosecutor Alexander Remizov insisted on this in his speeches at the trial. According to him, Kvachkov carried out similar activities in St. Petersburg and Samara. From the materials read out by the prosecutor, it is known that in 2010, Kiselev in St. Petersburg selected a group of ten people and purchased weapons. On July 10 of the same year, he instructed them and gave them the date for the start of the mutiny. At this time, from April to July, he was preparing for the rebellion and identified the city of Kovrov in the Vladimir region for carrying out his action. According to the state prosecutor, “Kvachkov was going to seize the buildings of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB, the Ministry of Emergency Situations of Kovrov in small groups, as well as weapons and ammunition, but he was unable to complete his plan for reasons beyond his control.”

Pensioner Kvachkov will be 75 years old when he is released, and his accomplice Kiselev will be 71 years old.

The success of the armed rebellion in the Vladimir region should have provoked similar events in other regions, as follows from the court verdict.

The ultimate goal of the rebels, according to the case materials, is the seizure and change of power in Moscow. One of the main pieces of evidence in the case was a recording of a conversation between several of Kvachkov’s supporters when they were developing a plan for a foray into Kovrov, reconnaissance, distribution of funds and human resources. The defense of the defendants in the case has repeatedly stated that this recording cannot be considered admissible evidence, because it was obtained at a time when the case of the attempt on Chubais was being investigated against Kvachkov. Let us remember that the accused were completely acquitted then.

This time the prosecutor asked for 14 years for Kvachkov, and 12 years for Kiselev. He also insisted that Kvachkov be stripped of his military rank. However, a panel of three judges decided to leave Vladimir Kvachkov the rank of colonel and even returned to his wife 10 thousand dollars and 180 thousand rubles seized during a search in the apartment. Previously, investigators considered this money as funds that Kvachkov allegedly intended to use to finance an armed rebellion. But it turned out that the money was all the modest savings of the Kvachkov family, most of which were received from the sale of the dacha.