In September 1905
In the early days, appeals were distributed in Finnish in Finnish on behalf of the active resistance party, calling on the population to influence the Russian troops, clarifying to them the treacherous actions of the Russian government against Finland, facilitating the escape of soldiers from military units and sheltering fugitives. Proclamations by socialist revolutionaries in Russian were also distributed among the troops, advising them to renounce the use of weapons against the Finns and follow the example of the sailors who rebelled on the Potemkin.
2 – In Orenburg there is a strike at the main railway workshops
4 – Georgian-Armenian demonstration with red flags in Vladikavkaz, In Abasha – Art. Transcaucasian Railway - an armed attack on a mail train, injuring 1 and killing 2 passengers.

5 – at the same Abashe station, the crowd, having learned that revolutionary prisoners are on the train, begins to shoot the train, which causes retaliatory shooting from the military guards of the train; resulting in 8 killed and many wounded
8-11 – at meetings of the congress of psychiatrists, student demonstrations and the announcement of Social Democratic proclamations with rebellious cries. In Nizhny Novgorod, searches carried out at the same time discovered a secret printing house of the “active Sormovo combat group of the Nizhny Novgorod Committee of the Social Democratic Labor Party” and a lot of proclamations.
9 – in Warsaw, a bomb was thrown through the window of Shereshevsky’s banking office, injuring an attacker, and it is discovered that this was retaliation for Shereshevsky’s failure to pay 1,000 rubles, at the request of “the Warsaw group of anarchist-communist-internationalists.”
10 – in Riga, at a meeting of Latvians, a significant stock of illegal literature and weapons was discovered.
11 – in Armavir, Kuban region, an anti-government demonstration and an armed clash with military units, with one killed and several injured.
On the train, while traveling from Tiflis to Gori, first 2 workers were detained with bombs, revolutionary literature and type, carrying this transport for the Gurian revolutionary organizations, and then several more workers, participants in the same organizations, were detained.
On the 11th, in Baku on Bibi-Heybat, 62 people were arrested at a meeting of interdistrict representatives of the Baku Committee of Socialist Revolutionaries. In Saratov on the same day, during the arrest of a member of the Social Revolutionary Party Gorokhov, a laboratory for the production of explosives, illegal literature, weapons, etc. were discovered in his apartment; 7 persons were arrested.
12 - in Nizhyn, during the arrest of 5 revolutionaries, 1 Russian1 was killed, 4 Jews were detained, a police bailiff and a policeman were seriously wounded during the arrest.
In Kovno, a bomb thrown by unknown attackers who managed to escape wounded police chief Ivanov, 3 officials and 3 women.
13 – in Plock, Jewish gatherings and an armed clash with the police and military force, which ended with 1 death and 10 arrests.
15 – in Gazenpot district, Courland province, a wine shop was looted, the head of the Mariengof station, Libavo-Gazenpot railway, was killed, and 220 rubles were stolen from the station cash register.
In St. Petersburg on September 14, investigative actions were taken against 41 members of the “St. Petersburg group of the Social Democratic Party” for the discovery of a secret printing house, a warehouse of revolutionary publications and weapons, and on September 16, during the arrest of workers of the Nevsky Shipyard Bryukhanov and Streltsov, a workshop of explosive shells and illegal publications was discovered Socialist Revolutionary Party.
17 – in Irkutsk, during the arrest of 4 people, a transport of literature and proclamations intended for a local social-revolutionary group was detained.
18 - in Grodno, in the apartment of the tradesman Rutkovsky, several pounds of type were found, forged seals of government institutions, 2nd seals of the Grodno Bund committee, passport forms, prepared forged passports, red flags with inscriptions and revolutionary literature.
18 - in Tomsk, a mass gathering near the university with rebellious speeches and scattering of proclamations, which caused the intervention of military force and arrests.
21 – at station. “Khilok”, Trans-Baikal Railway, a strike of workers at the station depot and an attempt to beat up the foremen and the head of the depot, suspended by the actions of the military echelon.
22 – in Bialystok, in the apartment of the anarchist Engelson, an underground printing house with printed proclamations and bombs was discovered.
In Rostov-on-Don, searches were carried out at the revolutionary figures of the “Don Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party” and explosive shells and a warehouse of illegal literature were discovered.
24 – near the Kushchevki station, Vladikavkaz railway, a train crash occurred due to deliberate damage to the track, which resulted in 24 killed and 30 wounded.
26 - in Yekaterinburg, at a meeting of the Zemstvo Assembly, a group of revolutionaries, numbering 20 people, staged an anti-government demonstration against the establishment of the State Duma as a legislative advisory institution, at which proclamations were scattered and red flags were thrown out.
In Tiflis, 8 bombs were simultaneously thrown at three barracks quarters of Cossack troops, causing the death of 1 Cossack and injury to 15
28 – in St. Petersburg, a workshop of explosive shells was discovered among shipyard workers Kolosov and Lovtsov.
30 – in Krasnoyarsk, local police chief von Eitman was killed by escaped attackers with a revolver.
Finally, during September 1905, a labor movement broke out among the printing and lithographic workers, which was used by the trade union of this industry to cause a strike in many plants and factories, which was the prologue to the all-Russian October strike.

The power of one person over another destroys, first of all, the ruler.

Lev Tolstoy

Bloody Sunday - a mass procession of workers on January 9, 1905 to the Tsar to present a Letter of Demand. The demonstration was shot, and its instigator, priest Gapon, fled from Russia. According to official data, 130 people were killed and several hundred were injured that day. I will briefly discuss in this article how true these figures are and how important the events of Bloody Sunday turned out to be for Russia.

On January 3, 1905, a rebellion began at the Putilov plant. This was a consequence of the deterioration of the social situation of workers in Russia, and the reason was the dismissal of some workers at the Putilov plant. A strike began, which in just a few days covered the entire capital, virtually paralyzing its work. The rebellion gained mass popularity largely thanks to the “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg.” The organization was led by priest Georgy Gapon. By January 8, when more than 200 thousand people were involved in the rebellion, it was decided to go to the tsar in order to present to him the “demands of the people.” The document contained the following sections and requirements.

Petition of the people to the king

Group	Requirements
Measures against ignorance and lack of rights of the people	Release of all those affected by political opinions
	Declaration of freedoms and personal integrity
	General public education at the expense of the state
	Responsibility of Ministers to the people
	Equality of all before the law
	Separation of Church and State
Measures against public poverty	Abolition of indirect taxes
	Cancellation of redemption payments for land
	Execution of all government orders domestically and not abroad
	Ending the war
Measures against the oppression of capital over the ruble	Abolition of factory inspectors
	Creation of working commissions at all plants and factories
	Freedom of trade unions
	8-hour working day and rationing of overtime work
	Freedom of struggle between labor and capital
	Salary increase

Only measures against the oppression of capital over the ruble can be called “worker”, that is, those that really worried the rebellious factory workers. The first 2 groups have nothing to do with the position of the workers, and were obviously introduced under pressure from revolutionary organizations. Moreover, it was the first 2 groups of demands that created Bloody Sunday, which began in the form of a struggle for workers’ rights, and ended in the form of a struggle against autocracy. Freedom of the press, freedom of political parties, immediate end to the war, abolition of indirect taxes, amnesty for political prisoners, separation of church and state - how does all this relate to the demands of the workers and their needs? At the very least, some points can be connected with the needs of factory owners, but how, for example, is the daily life of workers connected with the separation of church and state and the amnesty of all political prisoners? But it was precisely these 2 points that transformed the rally into a revolution...

Course of events

Chronology of events in January 1905:

• January 3 – riot at the Putilov plant in response to the dismissal of workers. The head of the rebellion is priest Gapon, chairman of the Assembly.
• January 4-5 – the rebellion spreads to other plants and factories. More than 150 thousand people were involved. The work of almost all plants and factories has been stopped.
• January 6 – there were no significant events, since the holiday of Epiphany was celebrated.
• January 7 – 382 enterprises in St. Petersburg were engulfed in rebellion, so the events could be called general. On the same day, Gapon voiced the idea of ​​a mass procession to the Tsar to convey demands.
• January 8 - Gapon hands over a copy of the Address to the Tsar to the Minister of Justice - N.V. Muravyov. In the morning, the government gathers the army into the city and closes off the center, since the revolutionary nature of the demands is obvious.
• January 9 – mass sixth columns to the Winter Palace. Shooting of a demonstration by government troops.

The chronology of Bloody Sunday allows us to draw a paradoxical conclusion - the events were a provocation, and a mutual one. On the one hand there were the Russian police authorities (they wanted to show that they could solve any problem and intimidate the people), and on the other hand there were revolutionary organizations (they needed a reason for the strike to develop into a revolution, and they could openly advocate for the overthrow of the autocracy). And this provocation was successful. There were shots from the workers, there were shots from the army. As a result, shooting began. Official sources speak of 130 dead. In reality there were many more victims. The press, for example, wrote (this figure was later used by Lenin) about 4,600 dead.

Gapon and his role

After the start of the strikes, Gapon, who led the Assembly of Russian Factory Workers, gained great influence. However, it cannot be said that Gapon was a key figure in Bloody Sunday. Today, the idea is widely spread that the priest was an agent of the Tsarist secret police and a provocateur. Many prominent historians talk about this, but not one of them has yet brought a single fact to prove this theory. Contacts between Gapon and the Tsarist secret police took place in 1904, and Gapon himself did not hide this. Moreover, the people who were members of the Assembly knew about this. But there is not a single fact that in January 1905 Gapon was a tsarist agent. Although after the revolution this issue was actively addressed. If the Bolsheviks did not find any documents in the archives linking Gapon with the special services, then there really are none. This means that this theory is untenable.

Gapon put forward the idea of ​​​​creating a petition to the Tsar, organizing a procession, and even led this procession himself. But he did not control the process. If he really had been the ideological inspirer of the mass upsurge of the workers, then the petition to the Tsar would not have contained those revolutionary points.

After the events of January 9, Gapon fled abroad. He returned to Russia in 1906. Later he was arrested by the Social Revolutionaries and executed for collaborating with the tsarist police. It happened on March 26, 1906.

Actions of the authorities

Characters:

• Lopukhin is the director of the police department.
• Muravyov is the Minister of Justice.
• Svyatopolk-Mirsky - Minister of Internal Affairs. As a result, he was replaced by Trepov.
• Fullon is the mayor of St. Petersburg. As a result, he was replaced by Dedyulin.
• Meshetich, Fullon - generals of the tsarist army

As for the shooting, it was an inevitable consequence of calling in the troops. After all, they weren’t called for a parade, were they?

Until the end of the day on January 7, the authorities did not consider the popular uprising as a real threat. No steps were taken at all to restore order. But on January 7, it became clear what threat Russia faced. In the morning, the issue of introducing martial law in St. Petersburg is discussed. In the evening, a meeting of all the actors takes place and a decision is made to send troops into the city, but martial law is not introduced. At the same meeting, the question of arresting Gapon was raised, but this idea was abandoned, not wanting to further provoke the people. Later, Witte wrote: “at the meeting it was decided that the workers’ demonstrators should not be allowed beyond the known limits located on Palace Square.”

By 6 a.m. on January 8, 26.5 infantry companies (about 2.5 thousand people) were introduced into the city, which began to be located with the goal of “preventing it.” By evening, a plan for the deployment of troops around Palace Square was approved, but there was no specific plan of action! There was only a recommendation - not to let people in. Therefore, virtually everything was left to the army generals. They decided...

The spontaneous nature of the procession

Most history textbooks say that the workers' uprising in Petrograd was spontaneous: the workers were tired of the tyranny and the dismissal of 100 people from the Putilov plant was the last straw, which forced the workers to take active action. It is said that the workers were led only by the priest Georgy Gapon, but there was no organization in this movement. The only thing that ordinary people wanted was to convey to the king the severity of their situation. There are 2 points that refute this hypothesis:

1. In the workers' demands, more than 50% of the points are political, economic and religious demands. This has nothing to do with the daily needs of the factory owners, and indicates that there were people behind them who were using the discontent of the people to foment revolution.
2. The rebellion that developed into “Bloody Sunday” happened in 5 days. The work of all factories in St. Petersburg was paralyzed. More than 200 thousand people took part in the movement. Can this happen spontaneously and by itself?

On January 3, 1905, an uprising broke out at the Putilov plant. About 10 thousand people are involved in it. On January 4, 15 thousand people were already on strike, and on January 8 – about 180 thousand people. Obviously, to stop the entire industry of the capital and start a revolt of 180 thousand people, an organization was needed. Otherwise, nothing would have happened in such a short time.

The role of Nicholas 2

Nicholas 2 is a very controversial figure in Russian history. On the one hand, today everyone justifies him (even canonized him), but on the other hand, the collapse of the Russian Empire, Bloody Sunday, 2 revolutions are a direct consequence of his policies. At all important historical moments for Russia, Nikola 2 withdrew himself! So it was with Bloody Sunday. On January 8, 1908, everyone already understood that serious events were taking place in the country in the capital: more than 200 thousand people were taking part in strikes, the city’s industry was stopped, revolutionary organizations began to become active, a decision was made to send the army into the city, and even the issue of introducing martial law in Petrograd was being considered . And in such a difficult situation, the tsar was not in the capital on January 9, 1905! Historians today explain this for 2 reasons:

1. There were fears of an assassination attempt on the emperor. Let's say, but what prevented the king, who is responsible for the country, from being in the capital under heavy security and leading the process by making decisions? If they were afraid of an assassination attempt, then they could not go out to people, but the emperor is simply obliged at such moments to lead the country and make responsible decisions. It would be the same as if, during the defense of Moscow in 1941, Stalin had left and not even been interested in what was happening there. This cannot even be allowed to happen! Nicholas 2 did just that, and modern liberals are still trying to justify him.
2. Nicholas 2 cared about his family and withdrew to protect his family. The argument is clearly made up, but it is acceptable. One question arises: what did all this lead to? During the February Revolution, Nicholas 2, just like during Bloody Sunday, withdrew from decision-making - as a result, he lost the country, and it was because of this that his family was shot. In any case, the king is responsible not only for the family, but also for the country (or rather, first of all for the country).

The events of Bloody Sunday on January 9, 1905 most clearly highlight the reasons why the Russian Empire collapsed - the tsar did not care deeply about what was happening. On January 8, everyone knew that there would be a procession to the Winter Palace, everyone knew that it would be numerous. In preparation for this, the army is brought in and decrees are issued (albeit unnoticed by the masses) banning processions. At such an important moment for the country, when everyone understands that a serious event is being prepared - the king is not in the capital! Can you imagine this, for example, under Ivan the Terrible, Peter 1, Alexander 3? Of course not. That's the whole difference. Nicholas 2 was a “local” man who thought only about himself and his family, and not about the country, for which he bore responsibility before God.

Who gave the order to shoot

The question of who gave the order to shoot during Bloody Sunday is one of the most difficult. Only one thing can be said reliably and accurately - Nicholas 2 did not give such an order, because he did not direct these events in any way (the reasons were discussed above). The version that the shooting was necessary for the government also does not stand up to the test of facts. Suffice it to say that on January 9, Svyatopolk-Mirsky and Fullon were removed from their posts. If we assume that Bloody Sunday was a government provocation, then the resignations of the main characters who know the truth are illogical.

Rather, it may be that the authorities did not expect this (including provocations), but they should have expected it, especially when regular troops were brought into St. Petersburg. Then the army generals simply acted in accordance with the order “not to allow.” They did not allow people to move forward.

Significance and historical consequences

The events of Bloody Sunday on January 9 and the shooting of a peaceful demonstration of workers became a terrible blow to the positions of the autocracy in Russia. If before 1905 no one said out loud that Russia did not need a tsar, but only talked about convening a Constituent Assembly as a means of influencing the tsar’s policies, then after January 9 the slogans “Down with autocracy!” began to be openly proclaimed. Already on January 9 and 10, spontaneous rallies began to form, where Nicholas 2 was the main object of criticism.

The second important consequence of the shooting of a demonstration is the beginning of a revolution. Despite the strikes in St. Petersburg, it was only 1 city, but when the army shot the workers, the whole country rebelled and opposed the tsar. And it was the revolution of 1905-1907 that created the basis on which the events of 1917 were built. And all this is due to the fact that Nicholas 2 did not govern the country at critical moments.

Sources and literature:

• History of Russia edited by A.N. Sakhorova
• History of Russia, Ostrovsky, Utkin.
• The beginning of the first Russian revolution. Documents and materials. Moscow, 1955.
• Red Chronicle 1922-1928.

Page 2 of 30

I

THE BEGINNING AND FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE REVOLUTION

(January - September 1905)

V. I. Lenin

THE BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION IN RUSSIA

The greatest historical events take place in Russia. The proletariat rebelled against tsarism. The proletariat was driven to revolt by the government. Now there can hardly be any doubt that the government deliberately allowed the strike movement to develop relatively unhindered and a wide demonstration to begin, wanting to bring the matter to the use of military force. And it brought it to this! Thousands of dead and wounded - these are the results of bloody Sunday on January 9 in St. Petersburg. The army defeated unarmed workers, women and children. The army overpowered the enemy, shooting the workers lying on the ground. “We taught them a good lesson!” the tsar’s servants and their European lackeys from the conservative bourgeoisie now say with inexpressible cynicism.

Yes, the lesson was great! The Russian proletariat will not forget this lesson. The most unprepared, the most backward sections of the working class, who naively believed in the Tsar and sincerely wanted to peacefully convey to the “Tsar himself” the requests of the tormented people, they all received a lesson from the military force led by the Tsar or the Tsar’s uncle, Grand Duke Vladimir.

The working class learned the great lesson of the Civil War; The revolutionary education of the proletariat stepped forward in one day in a way that it could not have stepped forward in months and years of gray, everyday, downtrodden life. The slogan of the heroic St. Petersburg proletariat is “death or freedom!” is now echoing throughout Russia. Events are developing with amazing speed. The general strike in St. Petersburg is growing. All industrial, social and political life is paralyzed. On Monday, January 10, clashes between workers and the army became more violent. Contrary to false government reports, blood is being shed in many, many parts of the capital. The workers of Kolpino are rising. The proletariat is arming itself and arming the people. The workers, they say, have seized the Sestroretsk weapons warehouse. The workers stock up on revolvers, forge weapons from their tools, and obtain bombs for the desperate struggle for freedom. A general strike covers the provinces. In Moscow, 10,000 people have already quit their jobs. A general strike in Moscow is scheduled for tomorrow (Thursday, January 13). A rebellion broke out in Riga. The workers are demonstrating in Lodz, the Warsaw uprising is being prepared, and demonstrations of the proletariat are taking place in Helsingfors. In Baku, Odessa, Kyiv, Kharkov, Kovno and Vilna, worker unrest is growing and the strike is spreading. In Sevastopol, the warehouses and arsenal of the naval department are burning, and the army refuses to shoot at the rebel sailors. Strike in Revel and Saratov. Armed clash with an army of workers and reserves in Radom.

The revolution is growing. The government is already starting to rush around. It is trying to move from a policy of bloody repression to economic concessions and get off with a handout or the promise of a nine-hour working day. But the lesson of the bloody day cannot be wasted. The demand of the rebellious St. Petersburg workers - the immediate convening of a constituent assembly on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret suffrage - must become the demand of all striking workers. The immediate overthrow of the government was the slogan with which even the St. Petersburg workers who believed in the Tsar responded to the massacre on January 9, through the mouth of their leader, the priest Georgy Gapon, who said after this bloody day: “We no longer have a Tsar. A river of blood separates the king from the people. Long live the fight for freedom!”

Long live the revolutionary proletariat! - we will say. The general strike raises and mobilizes ever wider masses of the working class and the urban poor. Arming the people becomes one of the immediate tasks of the revolutionary moment.

Only an armed people can be a real stronghold of people's freedom. And the sooner the proletariat manages to arm itself, the longer it maintains its military position as a striker-revolutionary, the sooner the army will falter, the more people there will be among the soldiers who will finally understand what they are doing, who will take the side of the people against the monsters, against the tyrant , against the murderers of unarmed workers, their wives and children. No matter how the current uprising ends in St. Petersburg itself, in any case it will inevitably and inevitably become the first step to an even broader, more conscious, more prepared uprising. The government may be able to delay the day of reckoning, but delay will only make the next step of the revolutionary onslaught more grandiose. Social Democracy will only take advantage of the delay to rally the ranks of organized fighters and spread the news of the initiative of the St. Petersburg workers. The proletariat will join the struggle, leaving factories and factories, preparing weapons for themselves. Among the urban poor, among the millions of peasants, the slogans of the struggle for freedom will spread more and more widely. Revolutionary committees will be founded in every factory, in every district of the city, in every significant village. The rebellious people will begin to overthrow any and all government institutions of the tsarist autocracy, proclaiming the immediate convening of a constituent assembly.

The immediate arming of workers and all citizens in general, the preparation and organization of revolutionary forces for the destruction of government authorities and institutions - this is the practical basis on which all and all revolutionaries can and must unite for a common blow. The proletariat must always follow its own independent path, without weakening its connection with the Social Democratic Party, keeping in mind its great ultimate goals of ridding all humanity of all exploitation. But this independence of the Social Democratic proletarian party will never make us forget the importance of the general revolutionary onslaught at the moment of the real revolution. We, Social Democrats, can and must go independently of the revolutionaries of bourgeois democracy, protecting the class independence of the proletariat, but we must go hand in hand during an uprising, when delivering direct blows to tsarism, when repulsing the army, when attacking the bastilles of the damned enemy of everything Russian people.

The proletariat of all Russia is now looked at with feverish impatience by the proletariat of the whole world. The overthrow of tsarism in Russia, heroically begun by our working class, will be a turning point in the history of all countries, easing the cause of all workers of all nations, in all states, in all corners of the globe. And let every Social Democrat, let every class-conscious worker remember what the greatest tasks of the national struggle now lie on his shoulders. Let him not forget that he represents the needs and interests of the entire peasantry, the entire mass of working and exploited people, the entire people against the national enemy. The example of the proletarian heroes of St. Petersburg now stands before everyone’s eyes.

Long live the revolution!

Long live the insurgent proletariat!

Lenin V.I. Complete. collection cit., vol. 9. p. 201 - 204

V. I. Lenin

REVOLUTION TEACHES 1

Disagreements within political parties and between political parties are usually resolved not only by polemics of principle, but also by the development of political life itself - it would be more accurate to say, perhaps, not so much the first as the last. In particular, disagreements concerning the tactics of the party, that is, its political behavior, are often exhausted by the actual transition of those who reason incorrectly to the right path of struggle, under the influence of life lessons, under the pressure of the very course of events, which forces them to take the right path, simply pushes them aside side with erroneous reasoning, takes away the soil from them, makes them devoid of content, exhausted, and not interesting to anyone. This does not mean, of course, that fundamental disagreements on questions of tactics do not have serious significance and do not require fundamental clarification of the issue, the only way capable of supporting the party at the height of its theoretical convictions. No. This only means that it is necessary to check pre-made tactical decisions as often as possible on the basis of new political events. Such verification is necessary both theoretically and practically: theoretically, in order to verify in practice, through experience, whether and to what extent the decisions taken are correct, what corrections are forced to be made to them by the political events that occurred after their adoption; - practically, to learn to be truly guided by these decisions, to learn to see in them directives that are subject to direct, immediate application in practice.

The revolutionary era, more than any other, provides material for such a test, thanks to the enormous speed of political development and the severity of growing, emerging and resolved political clashes. The old “superstructure” bursts in a revolutionary era, and a new one is created before everyone’s eyes by the initiative of various social forces, which in practice show their true nature.

Likewise, the Russian Revolution provides us almost every week with an amazing wealth of political material for testing the tactical decisions we have previously worked out and for the most edifying lessons regarding all our practical activities. Take the Odessa events. One of the attempts at uprising ended in failure. One of the detachments of the revolutionary army was defeated; it was not destroyed, however, by the enemy, but was pushed back into neutral territory by it (just as the Germans pushed back one French army into Switzerland in the war of 1870-1871) and disarmed by a neutral state. Failure is bitter, defeat is heavy. But what an abyss separates this failure in the struggle from those failures in trading that befall Messrs. Shipov, Trubetskoy, Petrunkevich, Struve and all these bourgeois servants of the Tsar! Engels once said: defeated armies learn excellently 2 . These wonderful words apply incomparably more to revolutionary armies, replenished by representatives of the advanced classes, than to the armies of this or that nation. Until the old, rotten superstructure, infecting the entire people with its rot, is swept away, until then every new defeat will raise new and new armies of fighters, drawing them into the movement, enlightening them with the experience of their comrades, teaching them new and higher methods of struggle. Of course, there is a much broader collective experience of humanity, imprinted in the history of international democracy and international social democracy, consolidated by the leading representatives of revolutionary thought. From this experience our party draws material for everyday propaganda and agitation. But only a few can learn directly from this experience while society is built on the oppression and exploitation of millions of working people. The masses have to learn most from their own experience, paying with heavy sacrifices for each lesson, each new step towards liberation. The lesson of January 9 was difficult, but it revolutionized the mood of the entire proletariat throughout Russia. The lesson of the Odessa uprising is difficult, but on the basis of an already revolutionized mood, it will now teach the revolutionary proletariat not only to fight, but also to win. Regarding the Odessa events, we will say: the revolutionary army is defeated - long live the revolutionary army!

In issue 7 of our newspaper we already talked about how the Odessa uprising shed new light on our slogans: a revolutionary army and a revolutionary government 3 . In the previous issue we talked (article by Comrade V.S.) about the military lessons of the uprising 4 . In this issue we dwell once again on some of his political lessons (article: “City Revolution”). Now we should also dwell on checking our recent tactical decisions in that dual relationship of theoretical correctness and practical expediency, which we spoke about above.

The pressing political issues of the modern moment are insurrection and revolutionary government. The Social Democrats talked and argued most about these issues among themselves. The main resolutions of the Third Congress of the RSDLP and the conference of the breakaway part of the party were devoted to these issues. The main tactical disagreements within Russian Social Democracy revolve around these issues. The question now is: in what light are these disagreements presented after the Odessa uprising? Anyone who now takes the trouble to re-read, on the one hand, the reviews and articles on this uprising, and on the other hand, the four resolutions devoted to the questions of the uprising and the provisional government of the party congress and the conference of new-Iskraists, will immediately see how the latter under the influence of events, they actually began to go over to the side of their opponents, that is, to act not in accordance with their own resolutions, but in accordance with the resolutions of the Third Congress. There is no better critic of an erroneous doctrine than the course of revolutionary events.

Under the influence of these events, the editors of Iskra published a leaflet entitled: “The first victory of the revolution” and addressed to “Russian citizens, workers and peasants.” Here is the most essential part of this sheet:

“The time has come to act boldly and support the courageous uprising of the soldiers with all our might. Courage will now win!

Convene open meetings of the people and bring them the news of the collapse of the military support of tsarism! Wherever possible, seize city institutions and make them the support of the revolutionary self-government of the people! Drive out the tsarist officials and call nationwide elections to institutions of revolutionary self-government, to which you will entrust temporary management of public affairs until the final victory over the tsarist government and the establishment of a new state order. Seize state bank branches and weapons depots and arm the entire people! Establish a connection between cities, between city and countryside, and let armed citizens rush to help each other wherever help is needed! Take prisons and release the fighters for our cause imprisoned in them: with them you will strengthen your ranks! Proclaim everywhere the overthrow of the Tsarist monarchy and its replacement by a free democratic republic! Arise, citizens! The hour of liberation has come! Long live the revolution! Long live the democratic republic! Long live the revolutionary army! Down with autocracy!”

Thus, we have before us a decisive, open and clear call for an armed nationwide uprising. Before us is an equally decisive, although, unfortunately, hidden and unspoken call for the formation of a provisional revolutionary government. Let us first consider the question of insurrection.

Is there a fundamental difference between the resolution of this issue by the Third Congress and the conference? Without a doubt. We have already talked about this in No. 6 of Proletary (“The Third Step Back”) 5 and now we will refer to the instructive testimony of “Liberation.” In issue No. 72 we read that the “majority” falls into “abstract revolutionism, rebellion, the desire to use any means necessary to raise an uprising among the masses and immediately seize power on their behalf.” “On the contrary, the minority, holding tightly to the dogma of Marxism, at the same time retains the realistic elements of the Marxist worldview.” This judgment of liberals who went through the preparatory school of Marxism and Bernsteinism is extremely valuable. The liberal bourgeoisie always reproached the revolutionary wing of Social Democracy for “abstract revolutionism and rebellion,” and always praised the opportunist wing for the “realism” of their formulation of the question. Iskra itself had to admit (see No. 73, note regarding Mr. Struve’s approval of the “realism” of Comrade Akimov’s pamphlet) that in the mouths of the Osvobozhdenie people “realistic” means “opportunistic.” Gg. Osvobozhdeniyites do not know any other realism than creeping realism; The revolutionary dialectics of Marxist realism, which emphasizes the combat tasks of the advanced class and reveals in the existing elements of its overthrow, is completely alien to them. Therefore, the description of the two currents in social democracy given by Osvobozhdeniye once again confirms the fact proven by our literature that the “majority” is the revolutionary, and the “minority” the opportunist wing of Russian social democracy.

Osvobozhdenie emphatically admits that, compared to the congress, “the minority conference has a completely different attitude towards armed uprising.” And in fact, the conference resolution, firstly, defeats itself, either denying the possibility of a planned uprising (paragraph 1), or recognizing it (paragraph d), and secondly, it is limited to only a list of general conditions for “preparing an uprising” , such as: a) expanding agitation, b) strengthening connections with the mass movement, c) developing revolutionary consciousness, d) establishing connections between different localities, e) attracting non-proletarian groups to support the proletariat. On the contrary, the congress resolution directly puts forward positive slogans, recognizing that the movement has already led to the need for an uprising, calling for organizing the proletariat for direct struggle, taking the most energetic measures to arm it, and explaining in propaganda and agitation “not only the political significance” of the uprising (this is limited to in essence, a conference resolution), but also its practical and organizational side.

In order to more clearly imagine the difference between one and the other solution to the problem, let us recall the development of social democratic views on the issue of uprising since the emergence of the mass labor movement. First stage. 1897 year. In Lenin’s “Tasks of Russian Social Democrats” we read: “To decide now the question of what means Social Democracy will resort to for the direct overthrow of the autocracy, whether it will choose an uprising or a mass political strike, or another method of attack, would be like if If the generals, without having assembled an army, would have held a council of war” (p. 18) 6. Here, as we see, there is not even talk about preparing an uprising, but only about gathering an army, that is, about propaganda, agitation, organization in general.

Second stage. 1902. In "What to do?" Lenin we read:

“...Imagine a popular uprising. At this time (February 1902) it will probably be agreed that we must think about it and prepare for it. But how to prepare? The Central Committee cannot appoint agents in all places to prepare an uprising! Even if we had a Central Committee, it would achieve absolutely nothing with such an appointment under modern Russian conditions. On the contrary, a network of agents, forming by itself in the work of producing and distributing a common newspaper, would not have to “sit and wait” for the slogan for an uprising, but would do exactly the kind of regular work that would guarantee it the greatest likelihood of success in the event of an uprising. It is precisely this kind of thing that would strengthen ties with the broadest masses of workers and with all the layers dissatisfied with the autocracy, which is so important for the uprising. It is precisely through this process that the ability to correctly assess the general political situation and, consequently, the ability to choose the right moment for an uprising would be developed. It is precisely this kind of thing that would teach all local organizations to respond simultaneously to the same political questions, cases and incidents that concern the whole of Russia, to respond to these “incidents” as energetically, perhaps more uniformly and expediently as possible - and yet an uprising is, in essence, the most energetic , the most uniform and most expedient “response” of the entire people to the government. It is precisely this kind of thing that would finally accustom all revolutionary organizations in all parts of Russia to conduct the most constant and at the same time the most conspiratorial relations, creating the actual unity of the party - and without such relations it is impossible to collectively discuss the plan for the uprising and take those necessary preparatory measures on the eve of it , which must be kept in the strictest confidence" (pp. 136 - 137) 7.

What propositions does this argument put forth on the issue of uprising? 1) The absurdity of the idea of ​​“preparing” an uprising in the sense of appointing special agents who would “sit and wait” for the slogan. 2) The need for a connection between people and organizations doing regular work that develops during common work. 3) The need to strengthen the ties between the proletarian (workers) and non-proletarian (all dissatisfied) layers in such a matter. 4) The need to jointly develop the ability to correctly assess the political situation and “respond” more appropriately to political events. 5) The need for the actual unification of all local revolutionary organizations.

In front of us, therefore, the slogan of preparing an uprising has already been clearly put forward, but there is still no direct call for an uprising, there is still no recognition that the movement has “already led” to its necessity, that it is necessary to immediately arm ourselves, organize in combat groups, etc. Before us - analysis of precisely those very conditions for preparing the uprising, which were almost literally repeated in the conference resolution (in 1905!!).

Third stage. 1905th year. In the newspaper “Forward” and then in the resolution of the Third Congress, a further step forward is taken: in addition to the general political preparation for the uprising, a direct slogan is put forward to immediately organize and arm for the uprising, to organize special (combat) groups, because the movement “has already led to the need for an armed uprising” (para. 2nd resolution of the congress).

This small historical background leads to three undoubted conclusions: 1) The assertion of the liberal bourgeois, Osvobozhdenie, that we are falling into “abstract revolutionism, rebellion” is an outright lie. We pose and have always raised this question not “in the abstract,” but on a concrete basis, solving it differently in 1897, 1902 and 1905. The accusation of rebellion is an opportunistic phrase of the liberal bourgeois gentlemen who are preparing to betray the interests of the revolution and betray it in the era of a decisive struggle against the autocracy. 2) The conference of new Iskrists stopped at the second stage of development of the question of uprising. In 1905, she repeated only what was sufficient only in 1902. She was three years behind revolutionary development. 3) Under the influence of the lessons of life, namely the Odessa uprising, the new Iskrists actually recognized the need to act according to the instructions not of their own, but of the congress resolution, i.e., they recognized the task of the uprising as urgent, direct and immediate calls for the immediate organization of the uprising and armament were absolutely necessary.

The backward social-democratic doctrine was immediately removed by the revolution. We now have one more obstacle to practical unification on common work with the new Iskrists, and, of course, this does not mean a complete elimination of fundamental differences. We cannot be content to let our tactical slogans limp along with events, adapting to them after they have occurred. We must strive to ensure that these slogans lead us forward, illuminate our future path, and raise us above the immediate tasks of the moment. In order to conduct a consistent and sustained struggle, the party of the proletariat cannot determine its tactics from case to case. In its tactical decisions it must combine loyalty to the principles of Marxism with correct consideration of the advanced tasks of the revolutionary class.

Take another pressing political question of a provisional revolutionary government. Here we see, perhaps even more clearly, that in its leaflet the editorial board of Iskra actually breaks with the slogans of the conference and adopts the tactical slogans of the Third Congress. The absurd theory of “not setting yourself the goal of seizing” (for a democratic revolution) “or dividing power in a provisional government” is thrown overboard, for the leaflet directly calls for “seizing city institutions” and organizing “the temporary conduct of public affairs.” The absurd slogan “to remain a party of extreme revolutionary opposition” (ridiculous in the era of revolution, although very correct for the era of only parliamentary struggle) has actually been consigned to the archives, because the Odessa events forced Iskra to understand that during an uprising it is ridiculous to limit oneself to this slogan, that it is necessary to actively to call for an uprising, for its most energetic implementation and the use of revolutionary power. The absurd slogan “revolutionary communes” was also discarded, because the events in Odessa forced Iskra to understand that this slogan only facilitates the confusion of the democratic and socialist revolution. And to confuse these very different things would only be adventurism, testifying to the complete obscurity of theoretical thought and capable of complicating the implementation of urgently necessary practical measures that make it easier for the working class to fight for socialism in a democratic republic.

Recall the polemics of the new Iskra with Vperyod, its tactics of “only from below” as opposed to Vyperod’s “both below and above” - and you will see that Iskra accepted our solution to the issue, now directly calling for action from above. Remember Iskra’s fears about how we would not compromise ourselves with responsibility for the treasury, finances, etc., and you will see that if Iskra was not convinced by our arguments, then it was convinced of the correctness of these arguments by the events themselves, for Iskra, in the leaflet cited, directly recommends “seizing branches of the state bank.” The absurd theory that the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, their joint participation in the provisional revolutionary government is “betrayal of the proletariat” or “vulgar Jauresism (Milléranism)” is simply forgotten by the new Iskrists, who now themselves turn specifically to the workers and peasants with a call to seize the cities institutions, branches of the state bank, armories, “arm the entire people” (obviously, now arm with weapons, and not just the “burning need for self-arming”), proclaim the overthrow of the tsarist monarchy, etc. - in a word, act entirely according to the program, given in the resolution of the Third Congress, to act exactly as indicated by the slogan of the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship and the provisional revolutionary government.

True, Iskra does not mention either one or the other slogan in its leaflet. She lists and describes all the actions the totality of which is characteristic of a provisional revolutionary government, but she avoids this word. This is in vain. In fact, she herself accepts this slogan. The absence of a clear term can only sow hesitation, indecision, and confusion in the minds of fighters. The fear of the word: “revolutionary government”, “revolutionary power” is a purely anarchist and unworthy of a Marxist fear. In order to “seize” institutions and banks, “call elections”, entrust “temporary management of affairs”, “proclaim the overthrow of the monarchy” - for this it is absolutely necessary to implement and proclaim first a provisional revolutionary government, which would unite and direct the entire military and political activity of the revolutionary people. Without such unification, without universal recognition of the provisional government by the revolutionary people, without the transfer of all power to it, any “seizure” of institutions, any “proclamation” of a republic will remain a simple and empty rebellious act. The revolutionary energy of the people, not concentrated by the revolutionary government, after the first success of the uprising, will only be fragmented, scattered into trifles, lose its national scope, and will not be able to cope with the task of holding on to what has been captured and implementing what has been proclaimed.

We repeat: in fact, in reality, the Social Democrats, who do not recognize the decisions of the Third Congress of the RSDLP, are forced by the course of events to act precisely according to the slogans given to them, throwing overboard the slogans of the conference. The revolution teaches. Our task is to use every drop of its lessons, to bring our tactical slogans into conformity with our behavior and our immediate tasks, to disseminate among the masses a correct understanding of these immediate tasks, to begin in the broadest possible way to organize workers everywhere for the combat purposes of the uprising, to create a revolutionary army and the formation of a provisional revolutionary government!

Lenin V.I. Complete. collection cit., vol. 11, p. 133 - 143

Notes:

1 The article “The Revolution Teaches” in all previous editions of V.I. Lenin’s Works was published in the newspaper “Proletary” No. 9 of July 26 (13), 1905, where it was first published. The manuscript of this article has been preserved. When published in the newspaper, the article in its first part was subject to abbreviations, which are marked in pencil in the text of the manuscript. Ed.

2 This refers to the article by F. Engels “Can Europe Disarm?” (see: Marx K., Engels F. Soch., vol. 22, p. 413). Ed.

3 See: Lenin V.I. Complete. collection cit., vol. 10, p. 335 - 344. Ed.

4 The article by V. S. - V. Severtsev (V. V. Filatov) mentioned by V. I. Lenin about the military lessons of the uprising under the title “Prince Potemkin Tauride”, dedicated to the uprising on the battleship “Potemkin”, was published in the newspaper “Proletary” No. 8 dated July 17 (4), 1905. Ed.

5 See: Lenin V.I. Complete. collection cit., vol. 10, p. 317 - 327. Ed.

6 Lenin V.I. Complete. collection soch., vol. 2, p. 461. Ed.

7 Ibid., vol. 6. p. 178 - 179. Ed.

Nthe beginning of the revolution. Putilov strike.

Bloody Sunday.

On January 3, 1905, a strike began at the Putilov plant. The reason was the dismissal of several workers. The attempt of the “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg” to come to an agreement with the plant administration was unsuccessful. As a result, on January 4, 15 thousand workers went on strike, and on the 8th - already 111 thousand. The strike became general.

G. Gapon proposed organizing a procession and delivering a petition to Nicholas II asking for an improvement in the situation of the workers.

The text of the petition was discussed openly in Gapon's departments. In addition to economic workers, under the influence of the Bolsheviks, they included political demands in the text. The workers demanded: the transfer of land to the people and the abolition of redemption payments, the abolition of indirect taxes and their replacement with a direct progressive income tax, the fulfillment of orders from the military and naval departments in Russia and not abroad, an end to the war by the will of the people, political amnesty, freedoms of personality, speech, press, meetings, consumer-production and trade unions, conscience,: the struggle of labor against capital, universal and compulsory public education at state expense, the responsibility of ministers to the people and guarantees of the legality of management, equality of all before the law, separation of church and state, abolition of the institution of factory workers inspectors, the establishment of permanent commissions of elected workers at factories and factories, which, together with the administration, would examine all the claims of individual workers, an 8-hour working day and the regulation of overtime work, normal wages, the participation of workers’ representatives in the development of bills on state insurance of workers. The government, anticipating the procession, created a special headquarters headed by the Tsar’s uncle, Vladimir Alekseevich. The city was divided into sectors, headed by generals who had at their disposal 8 thousand infantry and 3 thousand cavalry. Prince Vasilchikov was appointed commander of the troops. In addition to the existing capital garrison, troops from other cities were brought to St. Petersburg.

Wanting to prevent bloodshed, a group of intellectuals decided to send a deputation to the government, among the delegates of which were A.M. Gorky, N.F. Annensky, V.A. Myakotin, A.V. Peshekhonov and others. But the Minister of Internal Affairs P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky refused to accept them, and the chairman of the Committee of Ministers S.Yu. Witte stated that he was powerless to do anything.

On the morning of January 9, about 140 thousand people - men, women and children - with icons and banners they headed to the Winter Palace. The workers of the Narva region carried a large white flag on which was written: “Soldiers! Don't shoot at the people! But this did not help - the shooting of demonstrators took place in several places - on Palace Square, at the Narva Gate, at the Nikolaevsky, Liteiny and Police bridges, on Nevsky Prospekt, Morskaya and Gorokhovaya streets. Officially, 130 people were reported dead; the press said that over a thousand people were shot.

On the same day, barricades began to appear in different parts of the city (on Vasilyevsky Island, the Shlisselburgsky tract, at the Narvskaya Zastava, on the Trinity Bridge, near the squares on Nevsky).

Barricade battles resumed on January 10 (on Vasilyevsky Island); For three days after the shooting of the demonstration, not a single plant in St. Petersburg was working, and a week later 40 thousand people went on strike in St. Petersburg.

The news of the shooting of a demonstration in St. Petersburg spread throughout the country - in response, strikes and strikes began everywhere, especially in large industrial centers. In Moscow, the January strike lasted 10 days - from January 10 to 19. It covered 140 enterprises. The general strike in Lodz escalated into street fighting. Clashes with troops were accompanied by strikes in Warsaw, Riga and other cities. In total, about 440 thousand people went on strike in January.

The revolutionary explosion provoked by the execution forced Nicholas II to make concessions. Obviously, underestimating the seriousness of what was happening, the tsar ordered the issuance of 50 thousand rubles to help the families of the victims, Svyatopolk-Mirsky was dismissed and A.G. was appointed in his place. Bulygin. The post of Governor General was established in St. Petersburg, to which D.F. was appointed. Trepov. The announcement, issued on behalf of Finance Minister Kokovtsev and Governor General Trepov, promised workers to “begin working on insurance issues.” On January 10, a deputation “from the workers of St. Petersburg”, organized and trained by the administration, was taken to Tsarskoe Selo and presented to the Tsar. By the end of January, it was decided to create a commission of representatives of industrialists and workers under the chairmanship of N.V. Shidlovsky to resolve their relationship.

Finally, on February 18, 1905, Nicholas II signed a rescript addressed to the Minister of Internal Affairs A.G. Bulygin about the possibility of legislative work by elected representatives of the people.

But all these measures only caused even more irritation in society.

On February 18, a mass political strike began in St. Petersburg. On February 23 it became general.

The birthday number 7 symbolizes mystery as well as knowledge. The line of this contradiction can be continued. Here such personality traits arise as diligence and a poetic soul, albeit with some oddities, a penchant for analytical thinking and strong intuition, rich imagination, and a vivid, vivid imagination.

Composers and musicians, writers and poets, philosophers and hermits, thinkers and hermits are born and raised with this number. Their inspiration requires solitude and loneliness.

People of this number usually become philosophers and thinkers. As a rule, they are immersed in their own thoughts and therefore somewhat disconnected from those around them. They also have a love for all kinds of travel. The undertakings of these people usually end successfully.

The lucky day of the week for the number 7 is Saturday.

Your planet is Saturn.

Advice: The weaker are drawn into the swamp of despondency and pessimism, the stronger become bright personalities, people of world renown.

Important: Science, meditation, occultism.

Seven inspires mystics and philosophers, but makes a person fussy, a little gloomy, sometimes irritable and uncommunicative. The number, on the one hand, calls for loneliness and creative seclusion, and sets up barriers and restrictions. On the other hand, it patronizes marriage, cooperation and partnership.

Love and sex:

Maintaining harmonious relationships with these people is not an easy task, especially if they are people with opposite characters: a sensitive and sensual man and a less emotionally excitable woman, or a strong-willed woman and a man who allows her to dominate him.

A happy marriage with these people is facilitated by fidelity, a sense of duty, common interests and a responsible approach to raising children.

Birth number for a woman

Birth number 7 for a woman Such a woman has a strange attractiveness that fascinates or frightens her admirers. She is smart, courteous, tactful, and knows how to show the best in herself. The touchy princess in her youth dreams of strong and romantic feelings. Looking for a solid and respectable partner. Values ​​honesty and professionalism, prestige and social status. She needs support, but while maintaining personal independence. Seeks legal relationships. The breakup is painful for her. Her fear of losing love is stronger than her hope of finding her ideal. Often underestimates the true intentions and qualities of a partner, becoming a catalyst for his fears and complexes. She should rely on intuition and analysis of information about her chosen one. The idealization of personal relationships can lead to the fact that when choosing a partner, she will make an unforgivable mistake. She needs care and understanding, while wanting to dominate both physically and emotionally. Far from being a leader by nature, she can play a dominant role in the family. She is ambitious and lives at such a pace that it is difficult for her to start any serious relationships. Prefers to lead an independent life and rely only on himself. If she allows her partner to make decisions and take initiative, and moderates her control, she will find a stable relationship and the inner confidence that she always strives for.

Birth number for a man

Birth number 7 for a man Self-sufficiency and independence define such a man. His inner strength and serious attitude towards life and love make him seem cold and unfeeling. Thanks to endurance, he achieves most of his goals. Intimacy is stimulated by intellectual interest. To many he seems prudent and wise in matters of love. Sometimes he thinks only of himself, but in close relationships he can soften and be a gentle and passionate lover. He is characterized by a knightly idea of ​​love, sublime and noble. When living together, it is better for him to have a separate room, as he needs privacy. It is possible to live in different cities, and meet at a certain time, pre-arranged. He doesn't like surprises. For a woman who respects his entrepreneurial spirit and can withstand his self-absorption, he becomes a faithful and devoted partner. Perhaps, having met his ideal, he will never dare to get to know each other better. He is distinguished by sensitivity and tact towards his partner’s feelings. Mutual understanding is very important to him, perhaps more than love. He firmly follows the chosen path, and if a woman does not want or cannot walk next to him, he is able to part with her without hesitation.

Birth number 19

They never obey anyone, they are self-confident, vain, they consider themselves to be the first in everything, and cannot imagine that someone can do their work better than them. The whole world revolves around them. They are the navel of the Universe. They are never satisfied with what they have, they always need more. They crave power. They can make someone else’s opinion work for themselves. They can destroy anything, without being shy about their means.

They try to dominate in sex. Those around them are tools to satisfy their goals. Selfish and can push away when they don't need someone. They show emotions only in early youth and old age. No matter what attachments they have, they will always be lonely and sexually unsatisfied.

When they want something, they are to be feared. They are harmonious only with their own kind, or with those to whom they are truly dear. Their spouses are either equals or slaves.

These people make their way, sweeping away resistance, sweeping aside both friends and enemies, until they lose their last friend.
It is unlikely that anything can be recommended to them: they do not follow any recommendations. If possible, they should restrain their rage and thirst for power, because... having reached heights, they are overthrown by those over whom they ruled.
They should pay attention to blood and pressure. There is a high probability of smallpox.

Pythagorean square or psychomatrix

The qualities listed in the cells of the square can be strong, average, weak or absent, it all depends on the number of numbers in the cell.

Decoding the Pythagorean Square (cells of the square)

Character, willpower - 2

Energy, charisma - 1

Cognition, creativity - 2

Health, beauty - 1

Logic, intuition - 2

Hard work, skill - 0

Luck, luck - 1

Sense of duty - 0

Memory, mind - 3

Decoding the Pythagorean Square (rows, columns and diagonals of the square)

The higher the value, the more pronounced the quality.

Self-esteem (column “1-2-3”) - 5

Making money (column “4-5-6”) - 3

Talent potential (column “7-8-9”) - 4

Determination (line “1-4-7”) - 4

Family (line “2-5-8”) - 3

Stability (line “3-6-9”) - 5

Spiritual potential (diagonal “1-5-9”) - 7

Temperament (diagonal “3-5-7”) - 5

Chinese zodiac sign Snake

Every 2 years the Element of the year changes (fire, earth, metal, water, wood). The Chinese astrological system divides years into active, stormy (Yang) and passive, calm (Yin).

You Snake elements Tree of the year Yin

Birth hours

24 hours correspond to the twelve signs of the Chinese zodiac. The sign of the Chinese horoscope of birth corresponds to the time of birth, so it is very important to know the exact time of birth; it has a strong impact on a person’s character. It is argued that by looking at your birth horoscope you can accurately determine the characteristics of your character.

The most striking manifestation of the qualities of the hour of birth will occur if the symbol of the hour of birth coincides with the symbol of the year. For example, a person born in the year and hour of the Horse will display the maximum qualities prescribed for this sign.

• Rat – 23:00 – 01:00
• Bull – 1:00 – 3:00
• Tiger – 3:00 – 5:00
• Rabbit – 5:00 – 7:00
• Dragon – 7:00 – 9:00
• Snake – 09:00 – 11:00
• Horse – 11:00 – 13:00
• Goat – 13:00 – 15:00
• Monkey – 15:00 – 17:00
• Rooster – 17:00 – 19:00
• Dog – 19:00 – 21:00
• Pig – 21:00 – 23:00

European zodiac sign Virgo

Dates: 2013-08-23 -2013-09-23

The four Elements and their Signs are distributed as follows: Fire(Aries, Leo and Sagittarius), Earth(Taurus, Virgo and Capricorn), Air(Gemini, Libra and Aquarius) and Water(Cancer, Scorpio and Pisces). Since the elements help to describe the main character traits of a person, by including them in our horoscope, they help to form a more complete picture of a particular person.

The characteristics of this element are cold and dryness, metaphysical matter, strength and density. In the Zodiac, this element is represented by the earth's trine (triangle): Taurus, Virgo, Capricorn. The Earth trine is considered a materialistic trine. Principle: stability.
The earth creates forms, laws, gives concreteness, stability, stability. The earth structures, analyzes, classifies, creates the foundation. She is characterized by such qualities as inertia, confidence, practicality, reliability, patience, rigor. In the body, the Earth gives inhibition, petrification through contraction and compression, and slows down the metabolic process.
People whose horoscopes express the element of Earth have a melancholic temperament. These are people of sober reason and prudence, very practical and businesslike. The goal of their life is always real and achievable, and the path to this goal is outlined already in their young years. If they deviate from their goal, it is very slightly and then more due to internal reasons than external ones. People of this trine achieve success thanks to such excellent character traits as perseverance, perseverance, endurance, endurance, determination, and steadfastness. They do not have such imagination and a bright, lively imagination as the signs of the Water trine, they do not have utopian ideas like the signs of Fire, but they persistently pursue their goal and always achieve it. They choose the path of least external resistance, and when obstacles arise, they mobilize their strength and energy to overcome everything that prevents them from achieving their intended goal.
People of the Earth element strive for mastery of matter. The creation of material values ​​brings them true satisfaction, and the results of their work delight their soul. All the goals that they set for themselves must first of all bring them benefit and material gain. If the majority of planets are in the Earth's trine, such principles will apply to all areas of life, including love and marriage.
People with a predominance of the Earth element stand firmly on their feet and prefer stability, moderation, and consistency. They love a sedentary lifestyle, attached to home, property and homeland. Periods of growth and prosperity are followed by crises, which can be long-lasting due to the inertia of the Earth’s trine. It is this inertia that does not allow them to quickly switch to a new type of activity or relationship. This shows their limited ability to adapt to anyone or anything, with the exception of the sign of Virgo.
People with a pronounced Earth element usually choose a profession related to material values, money or business. They often have “golden hands”, they are excellent craftsmen, and can be successful in applied sciences and applied arts. They are patient, submissive to circumstances, sometimes take a wait-and-see attitude, but do not forget about their daily bread. Everything is done with one goal - to improve your physical existence on earth. There will also be concern for the soul, but this will happen from case to case. All of the above is easily achievable for them, provided that their energy is not spent on such negative character traits as ultra-egoism, excessive prudence, self-interest and greed.

Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius and Pisces. The mutable cross is the cross of reason, connection, adaptation, distribution. The main quality is the transformation of ideas. He is always here and now, that is, in the present. It gives mobility, flexibility, adaptability, flexibility, duality. People in whose horoscopes the Sun, Moon or most of the personal planets are in mutable signs have diplomatic abilities. They have a flexible mind and subtle intuition. They are usually very careful, prudent, vigilant and constantly in a state of anticipation, which helps them adapt to any situation. The main thing for them is to have information. When they feel not very competent or informed in any matter, they are excellent at evading and dodging everyone and everything, although they are considered the most knowledgeable of the entire Zodiac. They are sociable, courteous, talkative, and interesting conversationalists. They easily and skillfully give up positions, admit their mistakes and blunders, and agree with their opponents and interlocutors. People with a mutable cross strive for internal harmony, agreement, mediation and cooperation, but are subject to strong internal anxiety and outside influence. Their greatest passion is curiosity, which forces them to be in constant motion. Their views and worldview are rather unstable and depend on the environment. They often lack their own point of view. This partly explains the reasons for their imbalance and inconstancy, the changes in their lives. The true goals and plans of these people are difficult to predict, but they almost accurately guess the plans of others. They take advantage of every opportunity that can bring them benefit or profit, and skillfully manage to circumvent the blows of fate. People with a mutable cross are born realists. To achieve their goal, they use numerous friends, acquaintances, neighbors, relatives, co-workers, even strangers. Life crises are easily experienced and quickly forgotten. If there is no direct path to a life goal, then they will take a circuitous path, thinking through every step, avoiding all visible sharp corners, avoiding all pitfalls. What helps them is their natural cunning and slyness, flattery and deception, and ability to deceive. Mutable signs will help out of any abnormal, unusual situation; such a situation will not make them nervous, they will only feel their element, in which they can finally act. At the same time, their psyche and nervous system are very unstable. Serious obstacles can quickly incapacitate them, unsettle them and delay the achievement of their goals. In this case, they do not resist, but go with the flow.

Virgo is the sign of the element of Earth, which here gives stability, strength and fundamentality. Its main formative planets are Proserpina and Mercury. The element Earth in Virgo is very static, so Virgos can be distinguished by extreme conservatism, strong rationalism, scrupulousness and pedantry. From Mercury, Virgos have prudence and perception of everything through the mental plane. Virgos are capable of remembering very large amounts of information and can process and analyze this information almost accurately. However, sometimes they lack creative initiative and intuition, that is, those main qualities that are necessary for creative synthesis.

Virgo, as a rule, is an excellent analyst, but they are usually weak in synthesis, so among Virgos you can find many experimental scientists and picky researchers who delve into details and build their system from small facts (For example, Butlerov, Rutherfod, Galvani, Faraday , Darwin). Among the Virgos we also find compilers of dictionaries - Brockhaus, Vladimir Dal. There are also Virgo writers, very gifted and who created monumental works - Goethe, L. Tolstoy.
Born under the sign of Virgo, you can be a philosopher, as you have a fairly strong mentality. In general, you study well and perceive any information. You can achieve great heights with hard work and consistency. For you, perhaps harmony consists of many small details and individual components, that is, harmony for you consists of little things. Therefore, you can be a good statistician, accountant or librarian.

In the case of low spiritual development, in the worst case, qualities such as coldness and rationality may appear. An example of a strong Virgo logician is Hegel, whose iron logic to some extent compensated for his low abilities for synthesis. At worst, you can be a dry pedant, but still with some creativity.
Among Virgos we also find people with a “small man” complex. They are very efficient and honest, they never get into trouble and do not conflict with their environment. Gogol loved and described such people very much. Your worst traits in the case of a low level are service and servility shown in communication and at the same time strong self-interest, which you may be guided by.

In the case of the average level, Virgos are most often selfless. Some tediousness and pedantry are characteristic of you in any case, even at the highest level of development. At the highest level, you are full of information and are a living walking dictionary, very erudite. It’s better not to argue with you - you can crush them with your erudition. In general, you probably love it when people admire your intelligence and abilities, and work for you is probably the most important thing in life.
Your innermost essence and development system is analysis, and you develop through the analysis of everything. You build your system from small details, and in its highest manifestations, realizing the vibrations and qualities of Proserpina, you build a kind of supersystem, which is sometimes understandable only to you alone, that is, it is ahead of its time. Your main problem is the problem of “taming” your talkativeness, as well as the possibility of directly expressing your feelings. As a rule, you have a Venus complex - love is given to you with great difficulty, because you perceive feelings and emotions mentally, through the mind. This may cause you to experience coldness in love, coldness in general, tightness and complexes. You sometimes suffer in your personal life or your family life does not work out very well, you may well be a bachelor or an old maid.

When raising children with the Sun in Virgo, special attention must be paid to aesthetics, because in the worst case, the lack of Venusian qualities can lead to the fact that they go to the other extreme: from coldness to complete debauchery. Virgos begin to explore love from a mental point of view, becoming cold experimenters in love and sex. For example, you can choose your partner by zodiac sign, by degree, by decade and experiment with what and how it will turn out, that is, you follow a harsh practical path.
Your karmic task is to do the most difficult and difficult work on earth, the most thankless work that all other signs of the Zodiac provide it with. Therefore, you can work in hospitals: as a nurse, a nurse, a surgeon, where there is a lot of sewage and dirt - you tolerate everything easily, you are not squeamish. You belong to a very responsible, serious and high zodiac sign.
Among the countries under the sign of Virgo are Germany, primarily Prussia, where pedantry, accuracy and precision were very high. Japan is also the country of Virgo, where details are developed very precisely and in detail, unique instruments are created, very small and precise.
Among the Virgos was Tomaso Campanella, a man with amazing powers of regeneration.

Famous Virgos: Arafat, Botkin, Gaft, Galvani, Hegel, Goethe, Gere, Gamzatov, Humboldt, Gundareva, Helmholtz, Garbo, O'Henry, Ivan the Terrible, Dolina, Doronina, Jackson, Dovlatov, Dzerzhinsky, Dvorak, Jean-Michel Jarre , Zemfira, Sean Connery, Kobzon, Kuprin, Cooper, Christie, Kutuzov, Karelin, Copperfield, Kostolevsky, Kosmodemyanskaya, Leonov, Mercury, Mother Teresa, Lauren, Lagerfeld, Lem, Levitan, Mitkova, Montoya, Proklova, Pinkerton, Ranevskaya, Rosenbaum , Reeves, Rutherfod, Rodnina, Rutskoy, Rourke, Richelieu, Spivakov, L. Tolstoy, A. Tolstoy, Terekhova, Wells, Farmer, Faraday, Zeiss, Schiffer, Ingres, Yablochkov.

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Virgo | 13 zodiac signs | TV channel TV-3

The site provides condensed information about the zodiac signs. Detailed information can be found on the relevant websites.